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By Donald Sensing
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Saturday, July 31, 2004
... it lacks the complexity of the original. For one, the original was written as cold-war thriller and while John Frankenheimer version directed his ire at the McCarthyites of that era, the movie does make it clear that the bad guys did exist and really did try to take over the United States. Frankenheimer understood evil existed but that extremism in fighting it created its own problem. Jonathan Demne’s version lacks Frankenheimer nuances and simply just made an anti-Bush film and disguised it as a thriller. In Demne’s world, the bad guys are not the Islamic fundamentalists terrorists that have killed thousands of our own but corporate America.Which is pretty much what Frank Rich of the NYT said, too, saying the movie was even more nakedly partisan than Fahreheit 9/11, Michael Moore's latest fictionalization of history. Interestingly, New Democrats Online wrote of Michael Moore's book, Dude, Where's My Country?, in terms echoing Donelson's review of M. Candidate: Moore's answer is to create a culture of conspiracy theories in which the real terrorists are not outside forces like al Qaeda but the boardroom denizens who rule America.It seems the Left is having a hard time these days identifying the true enemy.
... all firefight engagements conducted with small arms (5.56mm guns) occurred in the twenty to thirty (20-30) meter range. Shots over 100m were rare.This typical engagement range, btw, was almost unchanged since World War I. Early in WW2, Maj. Gen. Omar Bradley, then a division commander, talked at length with the famed Sgt. Alvin York, Medal of Honor recipient and said by the French high command to have performed the most outstanding deed of the war. Wrote Bradley, I queried him closely on his experiences in France. One important fact emerged from these talks: most of his effective shooting had been done at a very short range - twenty-five to fifty yards.Today Geitner Simmons emailed me the link to a post on Buscaroons blog, "Assault rifle ammo: the British were right." Pointing out that the US Army is now developing a 6.8mm infantry-rifle round and rifle to replace the current, Vietnam-era 5.56mm round, the writer states: the Americans are adopting a new rifle cartdige- the 6,8 mm because their combat experiences have highlighted the 5,56mm does have enough killing power at distinances of 500-600m.This is competely wrong, as far as I can tell. Accurate fire from the present M16-series rifle at those ranges is very dificult. The problem with the 5.56 round is not its killing power at 500+ meters, but its power at ranges a tenth of that. Many soldiers and Marines have reported it just doesn't have enough hitting power to smack down an enemy fighter with one shot. The 5.56 round is approximately .223 caliber, while a 7mm round is approximately .30 caliber. I would agree with Buscaroon's claim that this caliber has proven through hard experience to be the best for infantry rifle. There are many reasons to replace the 5.56mm rifle, but they are not the reasons Buscaroons states. He is correct, but only by accident. For example: The 5,56 mm might be an ideal bullet for the jungle where combat engagements are between 10-50 m under very heavy forest cover but the round itself lack sufficent kinetic energy to kill an armed man at 400-600m. In other words, the 5,56 mm would be problematic if NATO ever fought the Warsaw pact in the central German plains.Wrong, really, on both counts. The 5.56 round is so lightweight that in jungle combat, it is easily deflected by foliage that doesn't affect a 7mm/.30 caliber round so much. As for European battlefields, I quote myself again. Why so little change in infantry engagement ranges over the last 85 years? I would say it is because the factor limiting actual engagement ranges is visibility, not the capability of the rifle itself. After all, Sgt. York's Springfield '03, Willie and Joe's M1 Garand and the modern M16A2 rifle can all be accurately fired out to 500 meters or so. But it is extremely rare for a grunt to see an enemy soldier, much less see one long enough and clearly enough to aim and fire. Smoke, dust, rain and blowing sand obscure enemy troops and positions at long ranges, and the enemy camouflages himself and his positions to boot.Machine guns are so numerous in present-day Army and Marine units that they do almost all the long-range, small-arms work. The US Army is right to move toward a larger, heavier caliber for its basic rifle, but its imperative is to improve the close battle, not the long one.
1. The Easter Kerry will get no more than a four-point "Bunny Hop" in the polls coming out of the Convention.Browse to Bill's site and leave a comment what you think about these. You sure can't accuse him of not taking a stand! Friday, July 30, 2004
Still, I have to admit to feeling a little uncertain of my disdain for this president when forced to contemplate the principle that might animate his determination to stay the course in a war that very well may be the end of him politically. I have to admit that when I listen to him speak, with his unbending certainty, I sometimes hear an echo of the same nagging question I ask myself after I hear a preacher declaim the agonies of hellfire or an insurance agent enumerate the cold odds of the actuarial tables. Namely: What if he's right?One more excerpt, for I urge you strongly to read Junod's whole essay. Here is Junod on the moral imperative of the war launched on Sept. 11, 2001: We were attacked three years ago, without warning or predicate event. The attack was not a gesture of heroic resistance nor the offshoot of some bright utopian resolve, but the very flower of a movement that delights in the potential for martyrdom expressed in the squalls of the newly born. It is a movement that is about death—that honors death, that loves death, that fetishizes death, that worships death, that seeks to accomplish death wherever it can, on a scale both intimate and global—and if it does not warrant the expenditure of what the self-important have taken to calling "blood and treasure," then what does? Slavery? Fascism? Genocide? Let's not flatter ourselves: If we do not find it within ourselves to identify the terrorism inspired by radical Islam as an unequivocal evil—and to pronounce ourselves morally superior to it—then we have lost the ability to identify any evil at all, and our democracy is not only diminished, it dissolves into the meaninglessness of privilege.Read the whole thing, really.
I defended this country as a young man and I will defend it as President. Let there be no mistake: I will never hesitate to use force when it is required. Any attack will be met with a swift and certain response.Bill quotes Hugh Hewitt and Charles Johnson as saying that the Kerry Doctrine is that Kerry will wait for America to be struck before dealing with the striker. In a time when our terrorist enemies openly say they seek atomic weapons, says Hugh, the position amounts to this: "Wait to get slammed again, perhaps with tens of thousands dead this time." As they say on As-Seen-On-TV ads, "But wait! There's more!" Kerry also said, As President, I will wage this war with the lessons I learned in war. Before you go to battle, you have to be able to look a parent in the eye and truthfully say: "I tried everything possible to avoid sending your son or daughter into harm's way. But we had no choice. We had to protect the American people, fundamental American values from a threat that was real and imminent." So lesson one, this is the only justification for going to war.Here Kerry is saying (I think, but who knows?) that he will wage war pre-emptively: "to protect the American people ... from a threat that was real and imminent" (itals added), that is, not an immediately present threat. Furthermore, pre-emption of an imminent threat is a "justification for going to war," although it's the only justification. So just what is Kerry's basic defense doctrine? Apparently it is that Kerry will make war upon those who actually attack us, as would any president, and against those who threaten us, but only if the threat is imminent. Yet I want the candidate to answer this point: Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words, and all recriminations would come too late.Kerry took pride last night in his ability to comprehend complexity ("nuance," as the commentati have put it): Now I know there are those who criticize me for seeing complexities - and I do - because some issues just aren't all that simple.But I can't see where Kerry understands the complexities of defense policy. Why did he verbally bifurcate his apparent doctrine of response to attack and pre-emption of imminent threat? They are heads and tails of the same coin, joined at the self-defense hip, but Kerry seems not to have made the connection. Let's move from generalities, though, to specificities. Say, Iraq. I think George Miller got it right: Kerry was unable to actually articulate what the "job" in Iraq is. He wants to talk about strategy while leaving the objectives nice and fuzzy.And just what was Kerry's deep complexity on Iraq? Nothing except that he will do a better job than Bush, with not one detail how he'll do so except a promise to involve other nations. (Apparently the 19 nations standing with us in Iraq today don't count.) And what about this line, the only line that addressed the subject: We need to lead a global effort against nuclear proliferation - to keep the most dangerous weapons in the world out of the most dangerous hands in the world.That's it. No mention of Iran or North Korea. No hint of what he will do that Bush is not doing, what he would urge the International Atomic Energy Agency to do that it is not doing, certainly no syllable that Libya abandoned its atomic-weapons programs because of the Bush administration's actions, not a scintilla of revelation of how he will lower the nuclear tension between Pakistan and India. Nope, none of that. Just, "We need a global effort," as if the globe has been asleep at the switch since 1945. So after hearing the keynote address of his entire campaign past or future, I don't know what John Kerry's defense doctrine or guiding philosophy are other than proclaiming every other breath, "I served in Vietnam!" Nothing Kerry said last night or any other time has enlightened me further than that. Update: Matthew May pointedly observes, Specifics are necessary. How would President Kerry respond to a major domestic attack? What of the growing threat in Iran? When do we go to war and when do we not? How will he reform the crisis among the intelligence agencies? How will he get the troops home from Iraq? Nobody knows what Kerry would do. "I have a plan," and "Go to johnkerry.com" is not enough. He asks us to judge him on his record, but he has been on every side of every issue.Yes, it's not whether Kerry can grasp complexity that really counts. It's whether he can understand the relative importance of matters that land in the Oval Office inbox. So far, I am not heartened. Update: Bill Hobbs, via email: Kerry's version of pre-emption is not very comforting. Basically, Iran has to have the nuclear missiles on the launch pad, being fueled, before he'll take military action.It all depends what "imminent" means, doesn't it? Also, Lawrence Kaplan, senior editor of The New Republic rips the speech pretty harshly for its illiberal militarism and bland generalities. Update: Wretchard at Belmont Club springboards from these thoughts into other worthy ones to ponder, taking a look at what seems to be, but really isn't, the key question: what might in Kerry's mind make a threat actually imminent, and thus worthy of pre-emption? Wretchard is pessimistic that "imminence" has any real meaning for Kerry at all and says that "the real question" is "whether he is at minimum someone who will retaliate after a first strike."
Desperate to stay within the broadcast networks' paltry 60 minutes, Kerry stepped on his best thoughts and lines and blurred important proposals and distinctions, committing the sin of interfering with his own ability to communicate with an electorate eager to learn much more about President Bush's opponent.As for content, I guess if you were already for Kerry, you loved the speech. If not, you didn't. If you fall into the fought-over "undecided" group, I'm guessing you probably weren't swayed. The reason I say that is because I was wondering most of the way through the speech whether Kerry was mostly reassuring the party faithful or reaching out to the undecided or even the weak Bush leaners. I guess I agree with T. Bevan: "John Kerry didn't hurt his chances of becoming president last night. Problem is, I don't think he helped them very much either." But wow! Did you know that John Kerry served in Vietnam?!?! Update: Geitner Simmons gives the speech a mixed review, saying on the one hand, "It was a major plus for him and the Democrats," but on the other, "Much of the speech was boilerplate, the reciting of ancient platitudes." He has a lot more analysis and as I have enphasized before, is always worth reading. Thursday, July 29, 2004
An analysis of Gallup Polls from the last 10 elections suggests that presidential candidates enjoy an increase in support, or a “bounce,” of between five and seven points after their party’s convention. Everything else being equal, John Kerry can be expected to gain in the horse-race polls after this month’s Democratic convention, and George W. Bush can be expected to regain positioning after the Republican convention in late August and early September. The interpretation of the success of each party’s convention will thus be largely based on the size of the bounce -- not in absolute terms, but compared to expectations.Post-convention expectations are low for both candidates' bounces. John Kerry will get a boost after the Democratic Party's convention in Boston next week and President Bush will gain some momentum in the polls after the GOP's pre-Labor Day convention. Both parties will try to play down expectations so as to exceed them. ...So the cosmic wisdom of Yogi Berra seems apt about this: "It ain't over 'til it's over."
Wednesday, July 28, 2004
The contributions of individual NATO Allies as well as the support of the NATO Alliance as a whole has been vital to the ability of the Multinational Force to carry out its mission in Iraq.Alone? There are 19 other nations listed as participating in Iraq operations: The United Kingdom, Poland, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Italy, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Latvia, the Netherlands, Norway, and Slovakia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Estonia. Yesterday Russia promised to help stability operations in Iraq with economic and materiel assistance that Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said "will be no less than the the contributions of the participants in the multinational forces." Who is missing? Oh, yeah. The French. Without them all is lost because we're going it alone. Kerry has long promised to have the best possible relations with European allies. So why does he never acknowledge the contributions all the above-named nations have made? Seems a curious way to start a revolution in diplomatic affairs.
A distinguished writer and academic has accused leading publishers of turning down his latest book because it is too critical of Islam.The author remarked, "The reaction of the publishers is unprecedented. The subject is very contentious. I think there are some people who have fixed views which don't permit them to look at the matter dispassionately.But not just in Britain, I'm afraid.
The United Nations has determined that Saddam Hussein shipped weapons of mass destruction components as well as [forbidden] medium-range ballistic missiles before, during and after the U.S.-led war against Iraq in 2003.The Senate Intelligence Committee confirmed this summer as well that Iraq was seeking to acquire "yellowcake," uranium ore, from Africa, just as British intelligence had claimed all along, and President Bush used 16 words to declare in his 2002 State of the Union speech. Since the end of the invasion, chemical-filled munitions have been found and one chemical artillery shell was used as a roadside bomb against American troops. Iraq, of course, used massive quantities of chemical weapons against the Kurds in the 1980s, killing thousands. Following 1991's Gulf War, the UNSC resolved - repetitively - that Iraq must divest itself of existing stockpiles of unconventional weapons (meaning nuclear, chemical or biological weapons), certain kinds of long-range attack weapons such as missiles with a range longer than (from memory:) 100 kilometers, and cease development programs thereof. Furthermore, the burden of proof for compliance with these resolutions rested on Saddam's government. The weapons and weapons programs' materiel had to be destroyed by the United Nations inspection teams or Iraq had conclusively to document its own destruction of its WMDs and WMD programs. Significant progress was made over the ensuing years, but increasing and finally total resistance and evasion of the requirements finally led the UN to withdraw its inspection teams in late 1998. That December, citing grave danger from Iraqi WMDs and WMD programs, President Bill Clinton launched Operation Desert Fox, an intensive bombardment of Iraq that lasted four days. The UK participated also. Clinton did not seek authorization from Congress to conduct this brief war; he said that the 1991 Gulf War resolution was still in effect and inherently authorized whatever military actions he ordered against Iraq. Over the next four years every Western intelligence service and many others (i.e., Russia) and the UN itself concluded that Saddam had restarted WMD programs and was making significant progress in several areas. The UNSC passed Resolution 1441 in December 2002 that gave Saddam an ultimatum: admit the UN inspection teams for unfettered activity or face "serious consequences;" the resolution authorized member states to enforce its terms. All diplomats understood this resolution was diplo-speak for threat of war. That Iraq possessed actual nuclear, chemical or biological weapons by early 2003 was hardly doubted by any Western nation. Since the invasion the existence of forbidden weapons and weapons programs has been conclusively proven, although except for some chemical shells no actual weapons have been found. However, that Iraq had active WMD programs, forbidden by the UN, has been decisively proven, as I related above. So I would like to ask Mr. Walloski and others scoffing at the WMD-related rationale for the invasion to say whether they think President Clinton was right or wrong in December 1998: We began with this basic proposition: Saddam Hussein must not be allowed to develop nuclear arms, poison gas, biological weapons, or the means to deliver them. He has used such weapons before against soldiers and civilians, including his own people. We have no doubt that if left unchecked he would do so again.Why, if this claim was right and just in 1998, was it less so in 2003? Why, if Clinton was right and just to attack Iraq in 1998 - and not resolve the issue!- was Bush wrong to attack in 2003 and conclusively resolve the issue? Now let's turn our attention to the "imminent threat" canard. The president's opposition, Mr. Walloski being the latest example, continues to claim that Bush said Iraq posed an "imminent threat" to the security of the United States. But Bush said no such thing. I quoted Kerry supporter Andrew Sullivan last October: The administration claimed that Saddam had used WMDs in the past, had hidden materials from the United Nations, was hiding a continued program for weapons of mass destruction, and that we should act before the threat was imminent. The argument was that it was impossible to restrain Saddam Hussein unless he were removed from power and disarmed. The war was legally based on the premise that Saddam had clearly violated U.N. resolutions, was in open breach of such resolutions and was continuing to conceal his programs with the intent of restarting them in earnest once sanctions were lifted. Having read the report carefully, I'd say that the administration is vindicated in every single respect of that argument. This war wasn't just moral; it wasn't just prudent; it was justified on the very terms the administration laid out.Here are some pertinent facts laid out by John Hawkins, for which I am providing the original citations and other commentary. Bush explicitly addressed the Iraqi threat in his State of the Union Speech in January 2002: Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words, and all recriminations would come too late. Trusting in the sanity and restraint of Saddam Hussein is not a strategy, and it is not an option.There was no claim of an "imminent threat" there, but instead an explicit continuation of Bill Clinton's existing policy , that the threat posed by Saddam's weapons programs must not be allowed to become imminent. Furthermore, the potential WMD threat was only one point of the casus belli laid out by Bush before the invasion. On Sept. 12, 2002, President Bush addressed the United Nations General Assembly. In this speech, Bush concisely explained the case against Iraq: If the Iraqi regime wishes peace, it will immediately and unconditionally forswear, disclose, and remove or destroy all weapons of mass destruction, long-range missiles, and all related material.Finally, consider the words of this prominent American political figure in 2002: In the four years since the inspectors left, intelligence reports show that Saddam Hussein has worked to rebuild his chemical and biological weapons stock, his missile delivery capability, and his nuclear program. He has also given aid, comfort, and sanctuary to terrorists, including Al Qaeda members, though there is apparently no evidence of his involvement in the terrible events of September 11, 2001. It is clear, however, that if left unchecked, Saddam Hussein will continue to increase his capacity to wage biological and chemical warfare, and will keep trying to develop nuclear weapons. Should he succeed in that endeavor, he could alter the political and security landscape of the Middle East, which as we know all too well affects American security.Who said that? Hillary Clinton, Oct. 10, 2002, who said in the same speech on the Senate floor that if the UNSC passed a "strong resolution" requiring Iraq's compliance, then, I believe the authority to use force to enforce that mandate is inherent in the original 1991 UN resolution, as President [Bill] Clinton recognized when he launched Operation Desert Fox in 1998.What this means is that that her position was that no further Congressional authorization was needed for President Bush to force Iraq's compliance by military power. A final point: Mr. Walloski said in the interview that the world is better of without Saddam in power and that the liberation of Iraq was a good thing. Yet now he calls the liberation and Saddam's removal a mistake. I can't explain the cognitive dissonance found in these kinds of statements, especially when they are coupled with claims that freeing the Iraqi people was sort of beside the point of the war (it was either all about Dubya-Emmm-Deees or the ooooiiiiiiiiiiiilllllll). Somehow, this explicit statement by Bush to the UN General Assembly on Sept. 12, 2002 has escaped their attention: Liberty for the Iraqi people is a great moral cause, and a great strategic goal. The people of Iraq deserve it; the security of all nations requires it. Free societies do not intimidate through cruelty and conquest, and open societies do not threaten the world with mass murder. The United States supports political and economic liberty in a unified Iraq. ...Twice in as many paragraphs the president emphasized the liberation of the Iraqi people as both a moral and strategic imperative of the United States, yet his critics now claim this goal was retrojected onto the campaign after the occupation seemingly turned sour and after stockpiles of WMDs were not located. Yet it is blindingly obvious that as early as this speech's date, Bush was not claiming at all that Iraq had a storehouse of WMDs; note well his language: "With every step the Iraqi regime takes toward gaining and deploying the most terrible weapons... ." An objective consideration of the facts shows that the administration never claimed that Iraq posed an imminent threat because of its WMDS or WMD programs, and that in fact the president pretty clearly indicated the threat was not imminent. But he also was clear, as were previously both President and Senator Clinton, that Saddam WMD programs must not be allowed to come to fruition. Tuesday, July 27, 2004
I spent a summer there long ago, in a philosophy battalion. All battalions at PI are philosophy battalions. The chief philosopher was named Sergeant Cobb, and he was rough as one. His philosophy was that at oh-dark-thirty we should leap up like spring-loaded jackrabbits when he threw the lid of a GI can down the squad bay. Then, he figured we should spend the day at a dead run, except when we were learning such socially useful behavior as shooting someone at five hundred yards. He didn't care whether we wanted to do these things. He didn't care whether we could do them. We were going to do them. And we did. The drill instructors had a sideline in therapy. They did attitude adjustment. If the urge to whine overcame any of us, Sergeant Cobb took his attitude tool -- it was a size-twelve boot on the end of his right leg -- and made the necessary adjustments. It was wonderful therapy. It put us in touch with our feelings. We felt like not whining any more. I kid about it, but it really was philosophy. We learned that there are things you have to do. We learned that we could generally do them. We also learned, if we didn't already know, that whimpering is humiliating.There's more, so RTWT. BTW, my BA degree is in philosophy. No, really, I mean it.
Canada's Islamic Institute of Civil Justice plans to begin arbitrating family and business disputes early next year using Muslim personal law in Ontario.The plan is for sharia law to be used across the entire country eventually. Wrote the Globe and Mail month before last: Sharia law in Canada? Yes. The province of Ontario has authorized the use of sharia law in civil arbitrations, if both parties consent. The arbitrations will deal with such matters as property, marriage, divorce, custody and inheritance. The arbitrators can be imams, Muslim elders or lawyers. In theory, their decisions aren't supposed to conflict with Canadian civil law. But because there is no third-party oversight, and no duty to report decisions, no outsider will ever know if they do. These decisions can be appealed to the regular courts. But for Muslim women, the pressures to abide by the precepts of sharia are overwhelming. To reject sharia is, quite simply, to be a bad Muslim.But - alert, here is an potentially offensive question - does being a "good Muslim" who obeys sharia law make you a good person? I'd say the evidence is muddled at best. With impressive understatement, the G&M; observes, "The one common denominator is that it is strongly patriarchal" wherever sharia is practiced in the world. The G&M; also reports in the same story of a well-educated, Canadian Muslim woman who decided to keep $50 of her own salary rather than give it all to her skinflint husband. They took the matter to an uncle, who decreed that because the wife had not been obedient, her husband could stop sleeping with her. (This is a traditional penalty for disobedient wives.) He could also acquire a temporary wife to take care of his sexual needs, which he proceeded to do. Now the woman wants a separation. She's fighting for custody of the children, which, according to sharia, belong to the father.Does it occur to anyone else how sex-obessessed Muslim men tend to be? Al Qaeda and Palestinian terrorists promise male martyrs they will spend eternity with 72 ever-virginal houris, a sharia court rules a man can have a sex wife (temporarily, understand). The institution of sharia rulings in Canadian justice is based on a 1991 law that enabled diversion of certain kinds of civil cases to nonjudicial, but legally binding, arbitration, including religious-based arbitration. "Jewish courts," says the G&M;, "have operated in the province this way for many years." Not all Canadian Muslim women are thrilled about sharia, though. One Muslim woman points out that sharia is not appropriate for Canadian justice and that such provisions were flatly rejected in Britain. Says another Muslim woman, "I chose to come to Canada because of multiculturalism, but when I came here, I realized how much damage multiculturalism is doing to women. I'm against it strongly now. It has become a barrier to women's rights."Take heed, multiculturalism advocates! The Canadian Council of Muslim Women has spoken against implementation: We are concerned that, in deference to their religious beliefs, some Canadian Muslim women may be persuaded to use the Muslim family law/Sharia option, rather than seeking protection under the law of the land. The argument is that to be a good Muslim one must live under Muslim family law, and that this is an issue of religious freedom or human rights. Although none of these statements is accurate, they may sound convincing to some.Wikipedia has a basic introduction to sharia. FrontPageMagazine.com raised some cogent concerns last May, chielfly (and IMO logically) that allowing purely religious law to supplant secular law, however limitedly, is a nose under the camel's tent. How long before settling criminal matters are demanded by Muslim activists? Good question. Update: Canadian reader Scott W. emails some details: 1) This is being done in Ontario, not nationally.To which I respond, first, thanks for writing, and second, point by point -- 1.) The numerous news articles I have found say that Ontario is the pilot program and the intention is implment it nationally. I stand by my assertion thereof. 2.) I do not agree there is a "substantial difference" between authorizing sharia-based mediation services and implementing sharia law for matters cognizable by the mediation. The Muslim activists impelling this development are clear that their idea of sharia is what will hold sway, not what non-Muslims think sharia is. 3.) This may be true but it is also irrelevant. Jewish and Christian mediation services spring from traditions that have always been woven woof and warf into the culture and Canadian law itself. Sharia is not. It is literally alien to all systems of law derived from English jurisprudence, like Canada's. 4.) The idea that truly free consent to sharia mediation will always be given by all parties is simply ludicrous. Islam is a heavily authoritarian and patriarchal religion in which women and even adult children are bound by religious tradition to honor the male head of the household. Imams and husbands will almost certainly simply ignore a wife's non-consent and issue a ruling anyway. That this "looks like a pretty reasonable policy" to Scott and other Canadians is exactly what is so troublesome about it. They apparently think that Western habits of compromise and individual right and self-assertion just magically transfer over to sharia-bound Muslims. But there is no Arabic word for "compromise."
NETWORKS IN RATINGS FREEFALL AT CONVENTION, OPENING NIGHT ALL-TIME LOW: ABCNEWS JENNINGS WITH 3.5 RATING/5 SHARE [DOWN FROM 4.5/8 IN 2000]; NBCNEWS BROKAW 3.3/5 [2000:4.8/9]; CBS DAN RATHER 3.2/5 [2000:3.8/7... TRAIL ALL OTHER PRIME-TIME MONDAY PROGRAMMING [CSI:MIAMI RERUN ON CBS PULLS 8.6 RATING/13 SHARE]... DEVELOPING...And ABC News reported on the Convention's opening day, The critical convention season begins with John Kerry losing momentum at just the hour he'd like to be gaining it: President Bush has clawed back on issues and attributes alike, reclaiming significant ground that Kerry had taken a month ago.I wonder whether these two items are related somehow. Just wondering, you know. Update: The previous blurb has disappeared from Drudge, but now there is a link to this story, which quotes Dan Rather: "We’re very close now to putting on conventions only for people whose life’s work is politics," Mr. Rather said. "And the audience has spoken by saying, 'This doesn’t have anything to do with my life. I’ve got better things to do.'."Rather also asks, "The real question is whether this is among the last conventions. That’s what’s important." Umm, why?
Monday, July 26, 2004
And in about 12 1/2 weeks he is going to embark on a 54 hour journey where he will walk 40 miles, run night infiltration courses, complete mentally and physically challenging warrior stations. He will fight his fellow recruits in small rings with pugil sticks. He'll do it all on about 5 hours of sleep and two small meals. Stephen, sweaty and beaten, will look across the bay and see vacationers on a nearby beach and yearn to join them. But he won't because he has a job to do. About 53.9 hours into that Crucible, at the end of a 10 mile force march with blisters screaming from his feet, an empty stomach and heavy eyes, he will turn a corner and see the Iwo Jima Monument and a band will begin to play. With all of the fear and weakness forever gone from his body, his heart will swell and his eyes will moisten. He'll drop his 70 pound pack, stand shoulder to shoulder with his brothers and the Depot Sergeant Major or another senior enlis |