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By Donald Sensing
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Wednesday, December 31, 2003
In another incident, one of my guys got hit (luckily, in the plate of the vest he was wearing) with a 9X19 pistol round at close range. He immediately returned fire with his M9 (issue 9X19 hardball) and hit the guy five times close to the body midline. All hits were above the waist: one in neck. The bad guy was still able to close the distance, grab my guy, and try to choke him. MP came up and pumped two 12ga rounds (00Bk) into the bad guy him at pointblank range. That finally ended the fight.For auto combat pistols there is no peer of the .45-caliber ACP (Automatic Colt Pistol) for knockdown power. There is only one handgun superior to it, the .357-magnum, but this is a revolver round and the Army gave up issuing revolvers about 100 years ago; handling them is too unwieldy in battle. In fact, the .45 Colt was developed to replace the .38-caliber revolver used by US soldiers fighting the Moros, tribesmen in the Philippines who rebelled against US rule (and Spanish rule before that). The .38 couldn't be relied on to put the Moros down; they would go into battle well fortified with homemade booze and local drugs. Some American soldiers were killed after pumping all six shots of the cylinder into a Moro, who was so anesthetized he couldn't feel the pain and so lean muscled that the weak .38 round often would not penetrate deep enough to drop him. And of course, reloading a revolver then - before speedloaders were invented - was a lengthy task. Hence the .45 Colt, M1911 (later product improved and redesignated M1911A1), was introduced. As combat sidearms go, it was spectacularly successful. I was issued one myself when I was on active duty and carried one until I was assigned to 3d Battalion, 27th Field Artillery in 1987. That was when I was issued the M9. IMO, the M9 has only two advantages over the M1911A1. It's lighter and repoints quicker after a shot because its recoil is less. Which sort of indicates the problem - its recoil is less because its throwing a lighter load, using less propellant. And that means less knockdown power. I used to tell my troops that they would not need their weapons until they needed them real bad. This is urgently true with a handgun because that means the enemy is very close. Pistols are practically a principal weapon in urban fighting because they can be pointed more quickly than any other firearm. Close range gunfighters require maximum lethality to be standing at the end of the fight. The 9mm just does not cut it. The Army should buy new .45 pistols (there being many models more modern than the old M1911A1) and re-adopt it as the standard sidearm.
I am going to argue that extraterrestrials lie behind global warming. Or to speak more precisely, I will argue that a belief in extraterrestrials has paved the way, in a progression of steps, to a belief in global warming. Charting this progression of belief will be my task today.And he does. I've heard genius described as being able to see patterns, relationships and possibilities that others can't. I'm starting to think that "genius" apllies to Crichton. Update: Braden also posts the text of "great article by Tex DeAtkine, an old PSYOP and Middle East Guru who's been coaxed out of the school house at Bragg for one last hoorah. Great reading. His insights can't be discounted." Absolutely true. Read the whole thing. Update: Belmont Club comments about and links to a piece by Ralph Peters who explains, says Belmont, that "anything short of disaster will be good enough, because the Middle East will always be a holding action. The real future lies in Africa and Latin America." Well, I would certainly add Asia, too.
So I pull for the Skins except when they play the Titans, which they've done once since the former Houston Oilers moved to Nashville (Titans won).
Basically, though, apart from those two games and maybe two others per season, Spurrier could be quite confident that Florida would pretty much crush their opponent. (But I remember one game they played against cellar-dweller Vanderbilt in Nashville in 1998 or so. Florida barely won, 12-7. Florida QB Danny Wuerffel, last year's Redskins QB, got clobbered with clocklike regularity. Spurrier was a portrait of fury at his offense, and his verbal thrashing of his own team at the post-game press conference was awesome to behold. This was a year when Vandy had one of the worst-ranked offenses in the nation, but its defense was ranked about fifth-best. A lot of those guys play for the NFL now.) Anyway, what Spurrier has to consider now is that there are no off weeks in the NFL. He is playing the equivalent of Tennessee or FSU every week. There are no rankings, there is only the cold, cruel ledger of the win-loss ratio. Not only is every NFL team going to play him at a consistently high level he is not used to facing week after week, at some point he will realize that the other head coaches are just as good as he is, or better. The other coaching staffs are just as good as his. College ball has as many layers of skill and talent as a Black Forest cake, but not the NFL. The NFL has only two layers: playoff teams or stay-home teams. And all the teams are hungry, and all the teams are good. What's next for Spurrier? D. Climer, sportswriter for The Tennessean, said last night on a radio show that he thinks Spurrier will take a year off and reappear in college ball. What about going to take over the Nebraska ball team, he was asked. Not a chance, says Climer, Nebraska has too deep a tradition and love of the running game while Spurrier is enraptured with the passing game, and there are far too few golf courses there for Spurrier, who is a devoted player during the off season. I am still a Redskins fan, and I wish them well (right behind the Titans). Hail to the Redskins!Update: Allen Barra says that NFL head coaches don't really get fired, "they get exchanged."
Thursday, December 25, 2003
Wednesday, December 24, 2003
1 In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. 2 He was in the beginning with God. 3 All things came into being through him, and without him not one thing came into being. What has come into being 4 in him was life, and the life was the light of all people. 5 The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness did not overcome it.Around my neck of the woods, there was this Christmastime a TV ad for Jared jewelry store in which a woman tells her husband of the diamonds another woman was given by her husband. “He got it a Jared,” she tells him rather accusingly, the unspoken implication being that the crummy necklace he got her elsewhere is second class. Like much advertising, this ad is mostly nonsense. But reflect a moment how much Christmas advertising tries to convince us that only certain products are worthy and everything else is second best at best. Then reflect whether in Bethlehem long ago God gave us the best that he could give us. “For God so loved the world that he sent his only son,” is the way Jesus explained it. God didn’t send a UPS package or a greeting card to let us know he was thinking of us, now and then, and hoped we would all get by okay. God had already sent his customized, holy Word in the inspiration of the Scriptures and the announcements of the prophets – advance notice, so to speak, that he was coming in person. Because, after all, when you really do care enough to send the very best, you go yourself. The Word became flesh and lived among us. We have seen God’s glory, the glory of the Father’s only Son. God’s glory is the presence of God with us. We see God’s presence in Jesus of Nazareth. The incarnation of God as human being was the decisive event in human history because the incarnation changed God’s relationship to us and our relationship to God. The incarnation means that human beings can see, hear, and know God in ways never before possible. The relationship of God and Jesus as Father and Son is the key to our changed relationship. The relationship between divine and human is transformed, because the incarnation gives us intimate access to the eternal reality of God. It is through Christ we best know God. “Anyone who has seen me has seen the Father,” Jesus told his disciple Philip. The Incarnation of God in Jesus means that in Christ, God placed himself at the mercy of all the things which we endure. Jesus became tired and hungry. He was dependent on the charity of others for food and shelter. He lost his patience with other people and became angry; the Gospels record both. There is nothing we experience that Jesus did not know. In every way that we are human beings, so was God in Christ. Jesus was Emmanuel, God with us. By acknowledging this fact, we recognize the bond that God has established with us, and its revelation in Jesus. God did not stay distant from us, remote and isolated. In Jesus, God chose to live with humanity in the midst of human weakness, confusion, and pain. To become flesh is to know joy, pain, suffering, and loss. It is to love, to grieve, and someday to die. The incarnation binds Jesus to the “everydayness” of human experience. When someone receives Christ as Christ was sent – the unique embodiment of the eternal God – and when someone believes in the name of Jesus, God makes him a son or her a daughter of God. It takes a second birth to be made a child of God, a birth of the spirit, not of flesh. We are reborn from above. Jesus tells Nicodemus a few pages after our passage, “Flesh gives birth to flesh, but the Spirit gives birth to spirit. You should not be surprised at my saying, ‘You must be born again’” (John 3:6-7). So we are brothers and sisters of Christ in the family of God. It’s not mere metaphor. The book of Hebrews teaches, “Both the one who makes people holy [that’s God] and those who are made holy [that’s you and me] are of the same family. So Jesus is not ashamed to call them brothers and sisters” (Hebrews 2:11). In a way, the Nativity is the adoption ceremony of you and me as God’s children. This new identity God has given us matters in how we live our lives with one another. I have two brothers and now have three children, so I am under no illusions about the fights that brothers and sisters of the flesh have. That is the way of flesh. But I wonder sometimes whether we model our family of faith and kinship with Christ after our families of flesh. We should instead live as sons and daughters of God, born of the Spirit, living in love as ones Jesus calls his brothers and sisters. “In the beginning,” says John, hearkening us to recall the creation stories. In Genesis, God was here on the surface of the earth. With his hands, God stooped on the ground to fashion humanity. He gave us life with his own breath. He walked with Adam and Eve in the garden, talked to them, guided them. In the manger, God was here on the surface of the earth. In Christ, God stooped to the earth again. With his hands, Jesus healed the sick, brought sight to the blind and made the lame walk, right here in person, in the flesh. Jesus walked among the people, talking to them, guiding them. Jesus gave up the breath of his life on the cross to give to us eternal life. “The Word became flesh and lived among us, and we have seen his glory.” During Advent, we see God’s glory as a newborn baby, some shepherds visited by angels, and wise men come from afar. God is here, and Christmas is a family reunion. Tuesday, December 23, 2003
U.S. Sister City ProgramI simply do not understand why this seems acceptable to some people. It is a shockingly immoral proposal. I have been blogging since March 2002, and I have consistently pointed out that the purpose of war is never war itself. That is, simply inflicting destruction upon the enemy or the enemy’s people is never a just end in war. Some may respond that I invoke just conduct of war only upon our own side, that the Islamists reject our Just War model and feel no compunction or moral restraint in the wholesale slaughter of American noncombatants. Their objections are correct. We are self-restrained, our enemy is not. That’s what makes them terrorists. But we are not to become terrorists in response. (I recognize that Islam is uniquely vulnerable to the kinds of attacks Dean proposes. Unlike Christianity (or Judaism, too), Islam is a religion of place. One of the five fundamental duties of all Muslims is to make a pilgrimage to Mecca at least once. If Mecca was atomically removed from the earth, would it even be possible to be a faithful Muslim? Perhaps Muslims would adapt in the same way the Jews adapted to the multiple destructions of their Temple in Jerusalem.) Nonetheless, with the domestic threat alert is at its highest since May. Sober warnings have come from the mouth of Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge that al Qaeda is " ‘anticipating near-term attacks that they believe will either rival or exceed’ the events of Sept. 11." So let us accept Dean’s first premise, that an American city might suffer a catastrophic strike by al Qaeda that would kill many, many thousands of citizens. Imagine an atomic truck bomb in an American metropolis. Imagine 30,0000 dead and 60,000 injured, or more. What should America do in response? I reject a nuclear response that seeks simply to lash out at presumed enemies and make Arabs suffer for suffering’s sake. Killing just to kill would not be warranted even under such grievous circumstances. Such an attack must evoke a severe American response, but the first question is whether al Qaeda’s attack would mean that we should change our basic strategic aims , the foundation upon which everything else depends: ... to inculcate far-reaching reforms within Arab societies themselves that will depress the causes of radical, violent Islamism. This task shall take a generation, at least; President Bush has said on multiple occasions that the fight against terror will occupy more presidencies than his own.I say that a K-strike against America would make this objective more urgent, not negate it ("K-strike" being shorthand for "catastrophic strike," borrowing from old military abbreviations). Therefore, the American response to such an attack must do two things: 1. Dramatically reduce, hopefully eliminate, the possibility of such an attack being repeated, 2. At least not harm the furtherance of the basic American strategic goal in the Middle East. Therefore, there are two levels of responses that should follow immediately, political and military. Politically, the president must seek an actual declaration of war against Iran and North Korea. It is hardly credible that an atomic attack could take place on American soil without the actual support of either or both countries. They are members of the original Axis of Evil for good reasons. Some persons may wish to add Syria to the list, but I say they can wait. The Congress must immediately authorize the expansion of our armed forces to a level sufficient to conduct full-tempo, overwhelmingly powerful campaigns in three theaters (the Middle East, the west Pacific and one for reserve and contingency). The American ambassador to NATO should inform the alliance that the United States is invoking all the combined-defense provisions of the alliance. America should make it plain that NATO’s failure fully to join offensive actions against the enemy states, including the deployment of combat troops and materiel, will lead to America’s withdrawal from the alliance and the formation of other security measures with other countries. The Saudi royal family should be told in certain terms that the US will no longer tolerate the hatred and venom their society spews against America. They face a choice: the Wahabbis must be tamed and the Saudis must ally with America in deed, not just in word, or the United States will list Saudi Arabia for regime change by military force. Every Arab in America who is not a legal permanent resident should be deported. Every Saudi-sponsored school in America should be closed. Persons of other nationalities should be deported as necessary according to the DOHS’s threat profile. Militarily, all of Iran’s nuclear facilities must be destroyed without delay. Once Congress declares war against Iran (and it will so declare) the country must be invaded, defeated and occupied as soon as force buildup permits. Action against Iran would invoke no other nation’s meaningful opposition and Iran cannot project power effectively outside its borders. Between Iran and North Korea, Iran is the "low hanging fruit" that should be plucked first. Strategic action against its military and its leadership should begin immediately. North Korea is a very difficult problem and will still be one even if America suffers a K-strike. Any move by the US against North Korea would invite massive retaliation by North Korea against South Korea, and possibly a strike against Japan. Furthermore, the US armed forces are magnitudes too small to tackle both Iran and North Korea at the same time. I consider Iran the more urgent task. So the North Korean theater must be a holding action. If finessed properly, American measures against North Korea, short of actual combat, could even receive Chinese acquiescence, perhaps even actual support. While I think the destruction of North Korean nuclear facilities would be best, that may not be possible in the near term because of the relative paucity of American power in the region. But the fact that we will not be able to do everything there does not mean we should do nothing. At the minimum we should blockade North Korean ports. We could announce that any expansion or mobilization of North Korean forces will lead to American attack to destroy them. Direct psyops against both the North Korean military and people should be used until forces in the region are sufficient to force North Korean submission. Pakistan is another very difficult problem. It’s entirely credible that an atomic terrorist strike against America could have Pakistani support, just not that of the Musharraf government. The Pakistani government is more like a system of baronies than a strong, federal system we have. There are Islamist sympathizers within the government and society who are motivated to aid al Qaeda and may well do so despite Musharraf’s dicta against it. So I don’t have much useful to say about what to do if a K-strike becomes known to have received support from Pakistani elements. If we bomb its nuclear facilities, Musharraf will fall and be replaced by a virulent anti-American. So my "what to do" page is pretty blank for Pakistan, if its radical Islamists are found to be complicit in the K-strike. There are a lot of other measures the US could and should take if we are attacked by an attack of 9/11's destruction or worse. But draining the swamp that breeds Islamist alligators will remain the foremost goal, even as we intensify efforts to kill the alligators. Update: Michael Williams has posted that Mutual Assured Destruction is moral and he wonders whether I even understand it, which I found rather amusing since I was trained as nuclear target analyst at the height of the Cold War. For anyone who thinks that a nuclear attack by the US, even in response to one against us by terrorists, could possibly be sane, much less proper, I tell you bluntly: you aren't thinking at all and I am profoundly grateful you aren't setting national defense policy. Do you think that nuking any Arab city would make al Qaeda stop attacking us with every destructive means at their disposal? How many millions of innocents are you prepared to immolate before you try something else? Except then there will be nothing else to try. NO ONE anywhere in the world would take our side on this. No one would rationalize the destruction of a third-world city and its people as their getting just desserts. There is no act we could take that would isolate us more, enrage the entire world at us more, make more uncountable new enemies, and convince billions of ordinary people around the world, not just Muslims, that America must be destroyed. I add that Michael, like me, professes Christian faith and I have to wonder whether he has considered how America's use of nukes against an Arab city would harm the cause of Christ in the world. Far from convincing the Muslims that their faith is bankrupt, it would cause untold millions of people in the second and third world to abandon the Church altogether. Christians in the third world, already uinder severe persecution in many places, would suffer immensely and the Church would be outlawed in places it is now gaining converts. People need to take off their blinders and try to think strategically. A nuclear response by us would completely destroy countless innocent lives - or do you actually condemn all Muslims, of any age or disposition? Do you really?. It would also destroy every alliance we have in the world. NATO would dissolve. The UK would withdraw all support wholly; Blair's government would fall immediately, to be replaced by the most virulent anti-Americans in England. We would lose all basing rights in every country in the world - Japan, Korea, Europe, Kuwait, Qatar, Jordan, Turkey, Central Asia, all the rest. Americans across the world, including Europe, would be dragged from their homes or attacked on the streets and killed; scores of our embassies gutted. Muslim populations in Europe and the Americas would riot relentlessly. Every Iraqi would turn completely against us; our forces there would come under constant attack from everyone, and in Afghanistan also. Pakistan would turn wholly Islamist. The entire Muslim world, not just Arabs, would be convinced that what bin Laden has been claiming is indeed true - that the US wishes either to colonize or destroy Muslim nations and destroy Islam itself. Tens of millions of new fanatics would sign up for al Qaeda's jihad against us. I can't begin to list the nations that would sever diplomatic relations with us and expel our diplomatic staff, even the UK. All the intelligence relationships with the UK and other European nations - the most valuable we have - painstakingly built up since World War I would be aborted instantly. Same with Asia-Pacific countries. China would begin militarizing faster than ever. Russia would re-target American cities because its people would demand it. The world's economy, including America's, would plunge into the deepest depression in history with the consequences too horrific to imagine - social dislocations, fall of governments (their replacements rabidly anti-American), civil wars on every continent except, maybe, North America and Australia. Not only is MAD today a "strategy" of failure, it would be the means of our self destruction. Monday, December 22, 2003
Since Saddam’s capture, commentary has focused on who should put him on trial. I strongly believe this is the wrong question. The primary question is, "What constitutes justice, and how shall it best be achieved?"I argued against a UN-sponsored court to try Saddam. The International Criminal Court can't try him for his crimes prior ot July 2002 because that's as far back as the ICC's jurisdiction goes. An International Criminal Tribunal, such as that slogging its way through Slobodan Milosevic's trial now, has not been established by the UN Security Council for Iraq. With either Britain or the US certain to veto any UNSC resolution establishing one, the chance of a UN court trying Saddam is nil. The WSJ Online provides other, excellent reasons to freeze the UN out of meting justice to Saddam: Exhibit No. 1 is the trial of former Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic, currently going on at The Hague. The Milosevic follies have been playing for 22 months and are still going strong.'Nuff said. The only venue for trying Saddam that is both realistically achievable and just is the Iraqi Criminal Tribunal system, established by the Iraq Governing Council before Saddam's capture.
Several Clinton administration national security officials told THE WEEKLY STANDARD last week that they stand by the intelligence. "The bottom line for me is that the targeting was justified and appropriate," said Daniel Benjamin, director of counterterrorism on Clinton's National Security Council, in an emailed response to questions. "I would be surprised if any president--with the evidence of al Qaeda's intentions evident in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam and the intelligence on [chemical weapons] that was at hand from Sudan--would have made a different decision about bombing the plant."The Bush administration stands by the intelligence estimate of its predecessor. Neither administration has claimed, though, that the interest in the factory both al Qaeda and Saddam had means that they had interests in common with the factory. There is, say Bush officials, "highly suggestive" evidence of such linkage, but nothing conclusive.
Saturday, December 20, 2003
Friday, December 19, 2003
Thursday, December 18, 2003
Today, according to UN membership, there are 191 states in the world. According to information from the US State Department, roughly 60 of these nations are free democracies. Almost a full two thirds of the nations in the world do not respect the rule of law in their own countries.The great fallacy of the UN is that it is a collegial collection of equal states, where every member state's opinion not only does, but should, have equal weight with every other state. This is nonsense, of course, but that is how the UN General Assembly is structured. Fortunately, the UNGA is mostly toothless. It is the UN Security Council that wields real authority. It resolutions are not passed to the UNGA for approval; they are binding when passed by the UNSC. And five states - the US, Britain, Russia, China and France - have veto authority over any USC resolution. No veto can be overturned by other states' votes. Vetos are final. Why this is so springs from the reason the UN was founded in the closing year of World War II. The UN was the brainchild of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. International assemblies of various kinds had been established long before. The League of Nations was the immediate predecessor. The United States never joined the League and the League fizzled away in the face of Italian aggression before World War II. Once America was an active belligerent in WW II, Roosevelt wasted no time in promoting his idea of a successor to the League. As early as January 1942, Roosevelt began using the name, "United nations." In fact, it was during that month that the US, Britain, the USSR and China signed a Declaration of the United Nations "to defend life, liberty, independence, and religious freedom, and to preserve human rights and justice in their own lands as well as in other lands." Twenty-two other nations later signed it and the name stuck in its formal founding session years later in San Francisco. This is key: Roosevelt conceived of the UN as a means by which the Great Powers (the above-named four nations; note that France was excluded) would enforce order and discipline upon an unruly world. He stated this intention clearly to British Foreign Minister Anthony Eden and Churchill in the spring of 1943. That fall the four governments signed the Moscow Declaration in which they agreed to maintain international peace after WW II ended. Membership in the UN was to be open to any sovereign state, but in Roosevelt's mind the responsibility for policing the world would belong to the four Great Powers. The other three powers evidently agreed. FDR discussed this postwar role with Churchill and Stalin at their conference in Tehran in November 1943. He actually called the group of the US, UK, USSR and China "The Four Policemen," who would have the authority on their own to use force against any threat to peace. It seems the four governments never discussed or considered that one of them might be such a threat. By August 1944 France had weaseled its way into Great Power status. What we know as the UN Security Council was at first called the Executive Council, with the five Great Powers as permanent members. At first there were to be six other member states, which would serve a term and rotate off. The grant of veto authority to the permanent members was discussed then as well and was finalized the next year. In April 1945 the United Nations was formed in San Francisco. While it was intended to be an agency for resolution of disputes without war (and other purposes) its charter specifically said that regional alliances or other arrangements for security are not precluded. Animosity between the western powers and the USSR began almost as soon as Germany surrendered. Roosevelt's dream - that the UN would be a means of preserving the Great Powers' cooperative hegemony - was stillborn as the UN became an ideological battleground of the Cold War. The end of the Cold War has not brought peace and harmony to the world, obviously. Nor has it brought the end of ideology. The time is now ripe to consider whether the UN is still a suitable arrangement of an internationalist system. Personally, I think it is not.
It is unfortunate that many in the Arab and Western press have bestowed on the perpetrators of attacks against coalition forces the grandiose label 'the Iraqi resistance.' Such a categorization, whether purposely or inadvertently, creates an impression of a universal phenomenon supported by most Iraqis. Nothing could be further from the truth. ...And not just in Iraq. Bill Hobbs cites a Christian Science Monitor piece that says Saudi Arabians are starting to awake from their oppressed stupor: Everywhere, it seems, from sidewalk cafes to women's salons behind closed doors, Saudis are talking about societal changes. Religious extremism and democratic and educational reforms, as well as women's issues, are paraded for public discussion in what has long been one of the most tight-lipped and tightly controlled lands in the Middle East. While actual political reform may be moving at a snail's pace by Western standards, the new degree of openness is earthshaking here.Turbaned Jeffersonians they aren't, but the whole region's strongmen must feel a chill wind now. At least, I hope so.
Wednesday, December 17, 2003
Why is it that a "fair" trial must somehow ignore all that is known about Saddam's crimes? I just can't wait for Reuters and the BBC to start referring to Saddam's alleged crimes once he has been indicted. In some bizarro world corollary to suspending disbelief while watching the cinema, these illiberal utopians seem to want us to suspend belief in order to "keep on open mind" or to be "fair and impartial". Nonsense. This is a false dichotomy. One can easily have an open mind and be fair and impartial without pretending to have developed no opinion about Saddam and his crimes. It's almost as if there can be no fair and impartial trial unless there is a sizable possibility, if not probability, that Saddam may be found innocent.Since Saddam's capture, commentary has focused on who should put him on trial. This is the wrong question. The primary question is, "What constitutes justice, and how shall it best be achieved?" Rendering a judicial verdict against Saddam is not the most important goal because Saddam's murderous guilt cannot be rationally questioned. In even the fairest trial possible, "guilty" is the foregone conclusion, at least for Saddam's major offenses. Any other verdict would mock justice rather than uphold it. The real value of a judicial proceeding against Saddam is to render a fair, accurate, public accounting of the terror of Saddam's regime (thanks to Bill Hobbs for this insight). Fully exposing Saddam's deeds to the Iraqi people and the world is the point. Enabling the Iraqi people to face their horrors so they may grow out of them is the point. Discovering the truth of Saddam's ties to nations and international agencies that propped him up is the point. Saddam's trial "must be an opportunity to educate the nation and make the psychological transformation from the past to the future," said Laith Kubba, a prominent Iraqi expatriate who is now a senior program officer for the National Endowment for Democracy. "What is important in these trials is not to put on trial the person of Saddam Hussein, but his deeds." Only by learning the full truth, vetted to judicial standard, can Iraqis have a real hope of transcending Saddam. Only by such discovery can there be a hope that America, other nations and international agencies never repeat their errors or sins that left Saddam in power for so long, at the cost of so much blood and misery. So the foremost consideration of a trial is whose jurisdiction can best achieve these just ends. A large number of UN-member states, including some European ones, are deeply complicit in shoring up Saddam’s power for the last decade. That a UN court could render an accounting of Saddam’s regime that is full, public and accurate is highly doubtful on its face. Too many nations have too much at stake in keeping their secrets. Comes now an outstanding post by Bill Hobbs, exhaustively sourced, on just who is complicit. Thanks to Saddam's regime, Iraq owes billions to France, Germany and Russia. For what? For weapons and for components needed to develop weapons of mass destruction. A public trial may well allow the world see the real reason France, Germany and Russia actively opposed efforts to remove Saddam from power.Quite so. The pressure from Old Europe on the United States and Britain to agree to a UN-sponsored International Criminal Tribunal will turn immense. There is more blood on their hands than at any time since World War II.
... the ICC fundamentally and explicitly violates the Constitution. Were a United States citizen to be brought before the ICC, he would not have the rights secured by the Bill of Rights that many in this country take for granted. The right to a speedy trial, for instance, would not necessarily be applied in the ICC. Though the Court’s bylaws say that defendants shall be tried without “undue delay,” Hague prosecutors for the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia have stated that anywhere from one to five years is not considered undue delay. This practice clearly mocks the systematic presumption of innocence which remain an integral part in the trial of an American. In the U.S., a prisoner cannot simply be held without trial. If a federal defendant is not brought before a jury in three months, he must be released. Other inconsistencies such as the right to a jury trial, the right to face one’s accuser, the ban of double jeopardy and the inadmissibility of hearsay evidence all point to one larger problem: by ratifying the Rome Statute and becoming party to the ICC, the citizens of the United States relinquish a portion of their inalienable rights.That is one big reason the United States is not a signatory to the ICC and is making bilateral treaties with nations not to turn American citizens over to the ICC. Seventy such treaties have been signed already; the US goal is to sign one with every country in the world.
Tuesday, December 16, 2003
... it's the willingness of Kofi Annan, Mohammed el-Baradei, Chris Patten, Mary Robinson and the other grandees of the international clubrooms to give "legitimacy" to Saddam, Kim Jong-Il, Arafat, Assad and co that disqualifies them from any role in Iraq.Exactamundo, as they say.
In Tikrit, about 700 people rallied in the center of town Monday chanting "Saddam is in our hearts, Saddam is in our blood." U.S. soldiers and Iraqi policemen yelled back: "Saddam is in our jail."Pretty snappy. But the demonstrations weren't peaceful. There was some shooting, and US troops killed three protesters in Ramadi after they were fired upon.
Ann Strickland-Clark (letter, Dec. 15) says she's "taking bets on a Jack Ruby type incident" against Saddam Hussein before his trial, because he "has a lot to reveal" that the U.S. government may find embarrassing. Considering the country where most of Saddam's weaponry and political support came from, any assassin will more likely be named Jacques Ruby.It's already happened! (From Politicalhumor.about.com) |